NOW LEBANON
Hazem Saghiyeh
A Lebanese Sunni politician was quoted saying that he visited Damascus recently seeking to reserve a parliamentary seat on a “consensus” list after sensing an opportunity to do so following the “Saudi-Syrian rapprochement.” The Syrian response, according to this politician's visitors, was: “We do not get involved in Sunni seats on the ballots, or Shia ones for that matter, since they are decided by Hezbollah and Amal... Right now, we are watching and exerting pressure on the Christian seats.” The politician then understood that Syria was committing to abstaining from interfering in any region under the Future Movement's direct influence.
Observers of the Lebanese electoral scene will notice the same thing the Lebanese politician was given to understand in Damascus, and conclude that what he said is no news despite its far-reaching implications. The Sunni and Shia seats have already been booked, and all that is left for us Lebanese to do is wait and see what the Christians will say in the electoral battle. This fact entails both tragic dimensions and repercussions, and, at the same time, some positive indications.
The tragic aspect underlying the Lebanese elections is represented in the crumbling of the very core of the Lebanese experience, which had been tantamount to a ray of hope in an otherwise bleak East. This core was established by Lebanon's Christians through their social rather than political elites, and this core was the first to be damaged by our wars. What is happening today is the exact reflection of these repercussions: The fact that a Syrian official told a Lebanese politician the electoral scene has been completed and only the Christian seats remain to be settled means that the weak Christian political structure allows foreign parties to interfere in the formation of lists.
Michel Aoun has channeling the Christians' political status in Lebanon in a new direction within a short time, which is a genuinely worrisome indicator for the future of Lebanon and the Christians' vision of this future. Some may claim that Aoun's endeavor was unsuccessful and overrated as proven by several facts, but it is also true that the General's attempts have not met with complete failure, and while we can quibble about the size of the response to these endeavors, one cannot deny that such a response existed.
In contrast, the positive aspect to be derived out of the fact that the scope of the electoral battle is now restricted to Christian seats is represented by the endurance of a particular environment that still refuses to be boiled down to a single choice. This environment is not reflected in terms of political representation, since there is such a stark contrast between the social and political spheres in the Lebanese Christian communities. This contrast is in the interest of the social spheres, which have clearly-derived benefits, whereas the political ones have been unable to keep pace with the evolution of the socioeconomic structure.
Some might say, and rightly so, that the intra-Christian divisions, in comparison to the unity of the other sects, is evidence of their lack of primitive loyalties and a sign of social development. Others, however, are also right to point out that Christian division against a backdrop of unity within other communities threatens their status in light of a sectarian system and regional players who seek to interfere at the expense of the Christians.
Thus, if both positions are correct, with whom do we agree?
I would have liked to be in the former camp, and for the division among Lebanon's Christians to act as a model for other Lebanese communities, as was the case with their lifestyle, behavior and experiences. But the concerns expressed by proponents of the second point of view are real and justified. Christian disunity, especially in light of the cohesion of other communities, does not spell the demise of communities as sociopolitical units; rather, it bears witness to the cleavage of one particular community due to wars and weaknesses.
If I were a Christian politician and I heard my Sunni colleague quote that Syrian official, I would have headed to Damascus to reserve a seat despite the heavy traffic on the Beirut-Damascus highway these days.
Hazem Saghiyeh
A Lebanese Sunni politician was quoted saying that he visited Damascus recently seeking to reserve a parliamentary seat on a “consensus” list after sensing an opportunity to do so following the “Saudi-Syrian rapprochement.” The Syrian response, according to this politician's visitors, was: “We do not get involved in Sunni seats on the ballots, or Shia ones for that matter, since they are decided by Hezbollah and Amal... Right now, we are watching and exerting pressure on the Christian seats.” The politician then understood that Syria was committing to abstaining from interfering in any region under the Future Movement's direct influence.
Observers of the Lebanese electoral scene will notice the same thing the Lebanese politician was given to understand in Damascus, and conclude that what he said is no news despite its far-reaching implications. The Sunni and Shia seats have already been booked, and all that is left for us Lebanese to do is wait and see what the Christians will say in the electoral battle. This fact entails both tragic dimensions and repercussions, and, at the same time, some positive indications.
The tragic aspect underlying the Lebanese elections is represented in the crumbling of the very core of the Lebanese experience, which had been tantamount to a ray of hope in an otherwise bleak East. This core was established by Lebanon's Christians through their social rather than political elites, and this core was the first to be damaged by our wars. What is happening today is the exact reflection of these repercussions: The fact that a Syrian official told a Lebanese politician the electoral scene has been completed and only the Christian seats remain to be settled means that the weak Christian political structure allows foreign parties to interfere in the formation of lists.
Michel Aoun has channeling the Christians' political status in Lebanon in a new direction within a short time, which is a genuinely worrisome indicator for the future of Lebanon and the Christians' vision of this future. Some may claim that Aoun's endeavor was unsuccessful and overrated as proven by several facts, but it is also true that the General's attempts have not met with complete failure, and while we can quibble about the size of the response to these endeavors, one cannot deny that such a response existed.
In contrast, the positive aspect to be derived out of the fact that the scope of the electoral battle is now restricted to Christian seats is represented by the endurance of a particular environment that still refuses to be boiled down to a single choice. This environment is not reflected in terms of political representation, since there is such a stark contrast between the social and political spheres in the Lebanese Christian communities. This contrast is in the interest of the social spheres, which have clearly-derived benefits, whereas the political ones have been unable to keep pace with the evolution of the socioeconomic structure.
Some might say, and rightly so, that the intra-Christian divisions, in comparison to the unity of the other sects, is evidence of their lack of primitive loyalties and a sign of social development. Others, however, are also right to point out that Christian division against a backdrop of unity within other communities threatens their status in light of a sectarian system and regional players who seek to interfere at the expense of the Christians.
Thus, if both positions are correct, with whom do we agree?
I would have liked to be in the former camp, and for the division among Lebanon's Christians to act as a model for other Lebanese communities, as was the case with their lifestyle, behavior and experiences. But the concerns expressed by proponents of the second point of view are real and justified. Christian disunity, especially in light of the cohesion of other communities, does not spell the demise of communities as sociopolitical units; rather, it bears witness to the cleavage of one particular community due to wars and weaknesses.
If I were a Christian politician and I heard my Sunni colleague quote that Syrian official, I would have headed to Damascus to reserve a seat despite the heavy traffic on the Beirut-Damascus highway these days.
